塞洛伦在西奥托
有时，不难想象两个世纪前的俄亥俄河谷。从你的视线中掠过建筑物，从你的思想中驱除所有现代的声音，那些巨大的原始山丘就像月球背面的一个陨石坑。它变成了一个地方，在那里，荒野这个词产生了这个词所孕育的所有神秘和危险。1749年8月，皮埃尔·约瑟夫·塞洛隆·德·布莱恩维尔船长的独木舟船队肮脏不堪。这与几个月前从魁北克出发的小型舰队形成了鲜明的对比。然后，他的士兵们穿着最好的阅兵式制服，为他们挂起了彩旗，拉奇内的漂亮女士们大声欢呼祝他们一路顺风，向他们致以风骚的微笑。尽管表面上看起来如此，但在危急时刻，塞洛伦知道他的手下只有大约50人可以指望采取行动。其余的都是新兵，像春天的树叶一样闪闪发光。很快，他们就发现自己脱离了他们出生的上流社会的帮助，就在他们离开后不久，激流吞没了一只独木舟，淹死了船上的一个人。这个恶兆可能预示着未来的厄运。在短短五年内，随着法印战争的爆发，整个地区都淹没在血腥的洪流中。山谷中的大森林将变得更加危险，成为游击战术的舞台，并从大树的掩护下突然伏击。在那个时候，原始森林一定出现在法国人面前，就像野蛮的德国人第一次越过莱茵河时，浓密的橡树给罗马人带来的影响一样。塞洛伦的谨慎是正确的。琼凯尔的队伍刚踏上河岸，肖尼人就向他们开火了。法国的白旗被射穿了三处，士兵们很快就被制服，带到议事厅去了。一个波尼人，作为英国人的喉舌，在他们开始说话时就谴责他们，指责法国人背叛和欺骗。部落里的年轻人都想立刻把他们烧死，如果不是一位易洛魁老酋长发出了理性的声音，他们可能很快就会被烤死。就是这个易洛魁人，在车队离村子不远的时候，陪他们去迎接他们。它由大约80到100间小木屋组成，肯定是他们迄今为止遇到的最大的土著定居点之一，从外观上看，肯定不像“村庄”这个词所暗示的那样。 It was also on the very fringe of known civilization and, therefore, aid, should they require it. A nexus of Indian and English trade, Celoron may rightly have thought,if he failed there all their travails may have been for nothing. As the French approached, they were alarmed by the sound of native war cries as the Indians came to the shore in force to display their numbers. Some thousand shots were fired in the air in quick succession, ostensibly as a friendly salute, but Celoron knew it was a warning in disguise, courtesy of the English in the town who had supplied the Indians plentifully with powder and ball.
他保持着头，在村庄对面登陆。他们回敬了他们的敬礼，并迅速着手建造一个简陋的堡垒作为他们的防御。没过多久，酋长们就吹着和平的笛子来了，也许他们的眼睛里闪烁着忧虑的光芒。似乎是为了证实当地人的担心，大约80名战士很快就过来了，他们拿着上膛的火枪，站在离这群人很近的地方，给人的印象一定是饥饿的老鹰在树篱上徘徊。这一点也不舒服。他命令酋长们在他不得不枪毙他们之前把他们打发走。印第安人辩解说，他们的行为是一种无辜的姿态，是为了表示他们的荣誉，但是，当他们看到塞洛伦没有心情向他们进贡时，酋长们赶紧放弃了这些勇士。不久，他们就回到村子里，等待第二天早晨和法国人的下一次会面。如果法国人对自己所处的危险有任何疑问，就派上卫兵，在他们的监视下，用火光控制住本土的威胁。黎明时分，塞洛伦再次派他的手下琼凯尔进入肖尼人危险的怀抱，并要求他们在营地露面。印第安人提出了一个看似无辜的请求，让法国人渡海去享受会议舱的舒适。 This would not be prudent. Once cut off from the bulk of his men and the stout bulwarks of their defenses, the natives could do with them as they wished and, a fine wig, however well groomed, was of little protection against the tomahawk. Instead, it was argued that, as Onontio (the governor of New France) was their self-admitted father, it was only right the children should come to where the father lit his fire. Seeing it was hopeless to squabble further, the Shawnee relented.
他们很快就为前一天他和他的部下受到的恶劣接待作出了补偿。为了给他一个挽回面子的机会，他劝他们把法国人的心变成英国人的心。十年前，他们曾张开双臂欢迎他们的同胞，但现在，他们遇到了怀疑和恐惧。他告诉他们，英国人是造成裂痕的原因，如果他们不再次改变主意，英国人将成为他们的毁灭。他给他们读了一封总督的信，以更大的权限重复了这些警告，并以总督的名义给他们发了一根金腰带。为了进一步强调他在这件事上的决心，塞洛伦把村里所有的英国人都叫到他面前，谴责他们在法国的土地上破坏了和平的纽带。他让人们知道，他有权俘虏他们，并烧毁这座城市，以报答当地人对他们的帮助，但出于善意，他婉言谢绝了这样做。由于上文所述的原因，塞洛伦清楚地知道，这样的行动对他自己和他的部下来说无异于判了死刑。英国人很可能知道这一点，暗暗地笑了起来，假装认真地听了他的劝告，并答应照他说的去做，但正如邦内坎普神父所说:毫无疑问，他们下定决心，一旦我们转过身来，就不做这种事。不久之后，信件来了，通知塞洛伦，他从底特律来的印第安援军不会来，这是他要离开的信号。 According to his Journal, the party left on August 26 after about a week of seemingly wasted words. Passing before the village, the Shawnee once again fired a salute.This time the French did not respond in kind. One can imagine, their hearts too heavy for the effort, perhaps with a new understanding of how hearts can change.
选定的参考书目
班农，亨利·汤·西奥托的草图;关于俄亥俄州西奥托县的发现和定居的记述。芝加哥:A. c .麦克卢格公司印刷，1920年。___。亨利·班农，《古老而常被讲述的故事:西奥托县编年史》。巴尔的摩:韦弗利出版社，1927。院长,谭雅。和W. David Speas，《沿着俄亥俄小径:俄亥俄土地的短历史》，编辑。George W. Knepper Columbus, Ohio: Auditor of State, 2001。邦内坎普神父，1749年在塞洛隆先生的指导下，在美丽的河流上航行的记录。翻译:A. A. Lambing。 http://publications.ohiohistory.org/ohstemplate.cfm?action=detail&Page=0029397.html &StartPage=397&EndPage=423&volume=29&newtitle=Volume%2029%20Page%20397 December 2007. ___. Celoron's Journal, http://publications.ohiohistory.org/ohstemplate.cfm?action=detail&Page=0029335.html &StartPage=335&EndPage=396&volume=29¬es=&newtitle=Volume%2029%20Page%20335 December 2007. Parkman, Francis. Montcalm and Wolfe New York: Library of America, 1983. Roseboom, Eugene Holloway, and Francis P. Weisenburger, A history of Ohio, ed. and illustrated by James H. Rodabaugh Columbus, Ohio Historical Society, 1967. Wittke, Carl Frederick. The history of the state of Ohio, ed. Carl Frederick Wittke Columbus: Ohio State Archaeological and Historical Society. Vol. 1, 1941-44. Though it is believed otherwise, there is evidence to support a plate being buried at the Scioto. The original map of Father Bonnecamp disappeared a century ago; only a copy now remains. All plate locations on the copy are written in English, not French. Bonnecamp was not very accurate in his calculations, as he admits himself, saying that his compass was bad, and the rocking of the boat did not help either. Can I dare say that my estimates are correct? In truth, this would be very rash. There is no proof that the Scioto plate was stolen by the Indians and taken to Circleville, as is traditionally told. It appears next in only two letters of New York Governor George Clinton,who claimed it was stolen on the way to the Ohio, not on it, and this from a third party who did not witness the events. Likewise, many discrepancies in the accounts taint their total credibility. Bonnecamp does not mention the burial of one of the plates, and Celoron does not mention the celebration of the feast of St. Louis on the Scioto, whereas Bonnecamp does. Bonnecamp mentions only two men who went ahead to Lower Shawnee Town, yet Celoron outlines a large group that was impossible to overlook. Lastly, it strains credulity to believe a man of Celoron’s character would not bury a plate at the Scioto of all places, especially having sworn to undertake this task in the king’s name. Neither account is specific. # Francis Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe (New York: Library of America,1983), p. 875. # The exact location of Celoron’s camp is not known for certain. It was either in Kentucky or on the east bank of the Scioto River, about one mile west of the current bank. The original map of Father Bonnecamp disappeared a century ago; only a copy now remains.
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