杰斐逊致麦迪逊的信

偶尔有点叛逆是件好事

托马斯·杰斐逊给詹姆斯·麦迪逊的一封信

谢斯叛乱——1786年发生在马萨诸塞州的一场由愤怒的农民发起的暴力起义——促使托马斯·杰斐逊表达了这样的观点:对美国来说，“偶尔的小叛乱是一件好事”。与共和国的其他领导人不同，杰斐逊认为人民有权表达他们对政府的不满，即使这些不满可能以暴力行动的形式出现。杰斐逊在1787年1月30日给詹姆斯·麦迪逊的信中表达了他的观点，为丹尼尔·谢和1200名农民领导的一系列抗议活动辩护。杰斐逊还写了他对约翰·杰伊即将与西班牙谈判的担忧。正在考虑的提案是，将西班牙港口的特权扩大给美国船只，同时向西班牙提供密西西比河上的航行权。在他给麦迪逊的信中，杰斐逊表达了他的信念，他认为这项协议可能会被解释为向西班牙统治开放密西西比河，从而引发西部定居者和西班牙之间的战争，并最终分裂国家。

巴黎1787年1月30日

托马斯·杰斐逊

托马斯·杰斐逊

亲爱的先生:我上次给您写信是12月16日;兹收到您十一月二十五日和十二月四日的来信，这两次来信使我象往常一样，可以讨论一些公共的、个人的和经济的问题。我迫不及待地想知道你对东部各州最近的麻烦有什么看法。就我所知，它们似乎不会带来严重后果。这些州因其商业渠道的中断而遭受损失，但尚未发现其他问题。这必然会造成资金短缺，使人民不安。这种不安产生了完全不合理的行为;但我希望他们不会招致政府的严厉制裁。如果当权者意识到他们对公共事务的管理是诚实的，也许会引起极大的愤慨;而那些恐惧压倒希望的人，可能会从这些不正常的事例中领悟到太多。 They may conclude too hastily that nature has formed man insusceptible of any other government than that of force, a conclusion not founded in truth or experience. Societies exist under three forms, sufficiently distinguishable: (1) without government, as among our Indians; (2) under governments, wherein the will of everyone has a just influence, as is the case in England, in a slight degree, and in our states, in a great one; (3) under governments of force, as is the case in all other monarchies, and in most of the other republics.要想知道在这些最后的东西下生存的诅咒，必须看到它们。这是一个狼统治羊的政府。这是一个问题，我不清楚，第一个条件不是最好的。但我认为这与任何大规模的人口都不一致。第二种状态有很多好处。在这一制度下的人类大众享有宝贵的自由和幸福。它也有它的弊端，其主要弊端是它所遭受的动荡。但是，如果把它与君主的压迫相比较，那它就什么都不是了。Malo pergulosam libertatem quam quiet servitutem。这恶也能生善。 It prevents the degeneracy of government and nourishes a general attention to the public affairs. I hold it that a little rebellion now and then is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions, indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people which have produced them. An observation of this truth should render honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions as not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government. If these transactions give me no uneasiness, I feel very differently at another piece of intelligence, to wit, the possibility that the navigation of the Mississippi may be abandoned to Spain. I never had any interest westward of the Allegheny; and I will never have any. But I have had great opportunities of knowing the character of the people who inhabit that country; and I will venture to say that the act which abandons the navigation of the Mississippi is an act of separation between the Eastern and Western country. It is a relinquishment of five parts out of eight of the territory of the United States; an abandonment of the fairest subject for the payment of our public debts, and the chaining those debts on our own necks, in perpetuum. I have the utmost confidence in the honest intentions of those who concur in this measure; but I lament their want of acquaintance with the character and physical advantages of the people, who, right or wrong, will suppose their interests sacrificed on this occasion to the contrary interests of that part of the confederacy in possession of present power. If they declare themselves a separate people, we are incapable of a single effort to retain them. Our citizens can never be induced, either as militia or as soldiers, to go there to cut the throats of their own brothers and sons, or rather, to be themselves the subjects instead of the perpetrators of the parricide. Nor would that country quit the cost of being retained against the will of its inhabitants, could it be done. But it cannot be done. They are able already to rescue the navigation of the Mississippi out of the hands of Spain, and to add New Orleans to their own territory. They will be joined by the inhabitants of Louisiana. This will bring on a war between them and Spain; and that will produce the question with us, whether it will not be worth our while to become parties with them in the war in order to reunite them with us and thus correct our error. And were I to permit my forebodings to go one step further, I should predict that the inhabitants of the United States would force their rulers to take the affirmative of that question. I wish I may be mistaken in all these opinions. Yours affectionately, Th. Jefferson